HOME | ABOUT US | Speaker | Americans Together | Videos | www.CenterforPluralism.com | Please note that the blog posts include my own articles plus selected articles critical to India's cohesive functioning. My articles are exclusively published at www.TheGhouseDiary.com You can send an email to: MikeGhouseforIndia@gmail.com


Showing posts with label Narendra Modi. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Narendra Modi. Show all posts

Saturday, August 31, 2019

Can Modi Save India?

This article was published in several newspapers including News & Views and Counter-Currents 

Indian-American author Ghouse argues that only the majoritarian ruler can do it

by Mike GhouseAugust 24, 2019

The early warning signals coming out of India are blaring, as a disaster has been in the making for years. The unfolding crisis – not just in Kashmir but in mainland India – threatens to tear the nation apart, severely impairing the economic prosperity gained in the last twenty years.

Terrorism as seen in some conflict-hit countries like Afghanistan has not been a part of India, but the conditions are ripe to give birth to the monster. The United States has much to lose – first the huge investments made by Americans, and most importantly losing the imaginary bulwark America has made India be against China's rise or ‘expansion of communism.’

I think, the man in charge of the country, Prime Minister Narendra Modi , can still save India if he listens to the sane voices and restores the rule of law, and freedom to every Indian to pursue his/her life, liberty, and happiness.

The downfall can still be reversed, provided Modi sees the full picture.

Photo: Screenshot/VOA YouTube Video

Let’s picture an ideal society that functions cohesively, where each member of the community feels secure about his/her income, business, faith, culture, language, and ethnicity. When one is free from tensions and fears, he or she will be super productive and enriches his community. Indeed, the prosperity of a nation is directly proportional to its freedom, in the case of India, it is religious freedom. The economic success of the United States is directly attributable to freedom. One should be free to eat, drink, wear, think, speak, and believe whatever the individual wants in the pursuit of his/her happiness.

That’s the central lesson of the “2008 Index of Economic Freedom,” released by The Heritage Foundation and The Wall Street Journal. “A country-by-country survey of how free people are worldwide to direct their economic fortunes; the Index repeatedly demonstrates the vital link between freedom and prosperity. In simple words, the freer the people are, the more an economy grows — and the more everyone benefits.”

Gill and Owen in a paper “Religious Liberty and Economic prosperity,” write in a Cato Publication: “A casual glance suggests nations that have developed strong legal guarantees of religious freedom are also ones that have had long-term sustained economic growth (Grim and Finke 2011).”

The reality is grim – the Indian Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, moderate Hindus, and Dalits are not feeling secure. Every day is laden with tensions, and everyone is apprehensive about walking alone on the street lest he/she be beaten, harassed, raped, or even lynched. An act of lynching is not carried out just on the pretext of the other eating beef of a sacred animal – cow-  but it clearly is a demands on the targeted people to renounce their religion.

Asifa Bano, an 8-year-old girl raped and murdered in Indian Jammu and Kashmir
Photo: Screenshot

Let this be clear; the innocent majorities believe that everyone around them is treated fairly and equitably as they are treated. Neither the moderate white majority understands the fear a black man feels when he sits behind the wheel to go to work, nor does the moderate Hindu majority understands the concern a Muslim, Christian or a Dalit man or a woman feels walking alone on a given street in Modi’s India.

The number of Muslims and Dalits who are sacrificed number over 115 now. Muslims are afraid to get out on the street, lest someone lynches them for the suspicion of carrying beef. Recently, a woman was hung to a tree and beaten non-stop while a crowd gathered around and watched the shameless act. An individual was hacked to death with bare stones and an ax publicly, and they videotaped the gory murder for the world to watch. A Dalit man was chased and set on fire this week.

Does Modi recognize the ruthless, mindless, and violent new generation of Indians he is fostering, is that the kind of Indians he wishes for India?

Last year, the men who gang-raped and brutally murdered a six-year-old girl in a Hindu temple was greeted with garlands by Modi’s men as if they were heroes. Two years ago, Chief Minister Yogi stood on the podium next to a man who announced to the extremists to dig out dead Muslim women from the graves and rape them.

Indian Muslim must be appreciated; they have shown extraordinary resilience and patience. Despite the lynching’s and injustices, they have not resorted to violence, unlike their counterparts in other nations. Presidents Bush, Obama, and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh have appreciated Indian Muslims.

It is time for Modi to do the same and stop the growing discord. If he thinks he can remain silent while his men harass and subjugate nearly 1/3rd of Indians comprising Muslims, Dalits, and Christians, he is wrong, it will destroy Indian and American Interests.

There is a limit to pushing, harassing, and lynching, and it needs to be stopped before it blows up.

Now consider the consequences of failure.

What if Indian Muslims, Christians, and Dalits cannot take it anymore and resort to violence? What will happen to the economy, investments from overseas, and the political stability of the nation? Every Indian will live in hell should that happen.  No Indian will live in peace.
Modi has a choice. He can save India, or he can let it be destroyed from within.

Prime Minister Modi’s party, the BJP, lives in the past. The RSS wants to get even with Muslims of Independent India for the acts committed by a king or two some three hundred years ago. If the facts matter to Modi, almost all the kings of yesteryears, be it Hindu, Muslim, Jewish, Sikh or Christian expanded their territories by killing the resisting neighbors. None of them ruled for the sake of religion but for their own gain, they cleverly duped the people then, as they do now.

The Muslims of independent India should be held accountable for the acts they commit as any other Indian citizen would.

Should one be punished for the actions of his grandfather or even father?

I hope Modi restores the rule of law and prevents India from getting a certificate of Particular Concern by the Department of State? Would the conscientious mega-corporations and investors continue to partner with India or hold back for lack of stability?  In that case, the ultimate losers are the Hindu businesses and individuals who have seen prosperity in the last two decades, all will be gone.

As things stand today, if Modi cannot change the mindset of the mobs, no one else can.

All he is required to do is frequently and boldly announce that anyone who harasses another Indian will meet severe punishment, and then follow his words with actions.
That is all it takes to save India from going into unprecedented chaos.

But, will Modi choose to do so?

Dr. Mike Ghouse is committed to building cohesive societies and offers pluralistic solutions on issues of the day. Mike’s mission is to open people's hearts, minds, and souls towards each other. He believes that the ultimate purpose of humans is to live freely and be comfortable with their culture, race, religion, ethnicity, sexuality, and individuality. Mike is a public speaker, author, interfaith wedding officiant, a newsmaker and the executive director of the Center for Pluralism in Washington, DC. More about him in three formats at https://www.linkedin.com/in/mikeghouse/


 


Wednesday, May 29, 2019

Narendra Modi’s speech and political pluralism

https://countercurrents.org/2019/05/narendra-modis-speech-and-political-pluralism


Whenever I can, I listen to the speeches of political leaders and I have done the same with a few speeches of Prime Minister Modi. The following video is about 70 minutes long. The speech was made around May 24, 2019.

Prime Minister Modi is unquestionably one of the greatest orators of this decade. I watched his full speech to the NDA – that is the National Democratic Alliance made up of BJP (Bhartiya Janata Party) and regional parties.
He rightfully acknowledged the contributions of Dr. Ambedkar who gave the constitution and acknowledged the sacrifices of Shaheed Bhagat Singh. Then he added Veer Savarkar as a contributor to the spirit of independence and that is to please the base, as Veer Savarkar is one of the guys who sowed the seeds of discord and promoted ill-will towards fellow Indians. If someone hates a fellow Indian because he is a Muslim or a Christian, it was because of wrongful propaganda of Veer Savarkar, Golwalker and a handful of others. I wish they had believed in freedom and respect for the otherness of the other. We cannot blame them for what they did, but at least we should not repeat their mistakes.
PM Modi talked about Sab ka saath, sab ka Vikas, a great slogan, and added sab ka Vishwa’s – that is the trust. Together with all, prosperity for all and confidence of everyone. He missed the opportunity to achieve that, or he may not have meant it. He has to clarify that.
PM Modi, could have laid out a plan in a few words how to achieve everyone’s trust, urging his base to give up on lynching, harassing and making the life difficult for ‘minorities’ and have a national day where all Indians come together and celebrate unity. Take a pledge that each one of us will contribute towards building goodwill among fellow Indians and not ill-will.
Overall the speech was good but severely deficient, as it was not the speech to Indians, but a speech to his base. He delivered them the red meat.
He urged the audience to speak up when they see something wrong, and my first response was Mr. Prime Minister, let that begin with you, you take the lead and speak up when there is a rape, when someone is lynched, harassed or beaten up in daylight. Don’t wait for three days to stop the damage. Much of the crimes would go away if you speak up instantly. What holds you from speaking? He has to earn the trust of all to bring sustainable prosperity to all.
Do you agree, the most patriotic person is the one who keeps the government on their toes and prevent them from making mistakes? You do your share, and I will do mine because I care about every Indian, and my work would bring Indians together and not pit one against the other.
The Prime Minister can start with one simple step – open the speech with Namaste, Jai Bhim, Salaam, Satsri Akal, Jai Jinendra, Buddha Namo, AlahAbho and Shalom. That is how you start to sab ka saath, the saath of 1.25 billion Indians in one single sweep.
Related: Why Integrated societies are good for America (India).
http://centerforpluralism.com/why-integrated-societies-are-good-for-america/

Mike Ghouse is committed to building cohesive societies and offers pluralistic solutions on issues of the day. His book, the “American Muslim Agenda” is about Muslim earning their respectable space in the society. The book is available at Amazon, Xlibris, Google, Barnes and Noble, and Kindle. Mike’s mission is to open people’s hearts, minds, and souls towards each other. He believes that the ultimate purpose of humans is to live freely and be comfortable with their culture, race, religion, ethnicity, sexuality, and individuality. Mike is a public speaker, author, interfaith wedding officiant, a newsmaker and the executive director of the Center for Pluralism in Washington, DC. More about him in three formats at https://www.linkedin.com/in/mikeghouse/

Sunday, December 17, 2017

Modi-ji, here is guidance for you to restore India to her greateness

Modi-ji,

India ko Langda na karo. Nehruji, Gandhiji, Patelji, Azadji, Ambedkarji aur kayee freedom fighters aap say kehte hain, "Hum laye hain toofan say kishti nikal ke, es desh ko rakhna mere baccho sambhal ke" They gave a great India in your hands, please don't cripple it. Let every Indian feel secure! All you have to do is speak up and tell your party members that you will not tolerate any Indian to be harassed by them. 


Caution:
This article, “How did Hindus become Hindu” is a very long article but worth reading as it offers solutions to the conflicts that Indians face.  No nation will prosper and stand firmly on the ground if it’s social and economic structures are not firmly rooted. They are two legs of a nation, both need to work in tandem, one will not stand without the other.  We need to fix the current policies, otherwise we will end up with a Langda India, that will make each one of us handicapped uploaded with distrust, ill-will and hatred for each other.
The author rightfully writes, “ It is not a religious idea, but a far-right political ideology, just as Zionism is the far right political ideology of Judaism.” To which I will add, Islamism is the far right political ideology of Islam, like Neocons of Christianity, Khalsa in Sikhism and of course Buddhism has one too. They are political groups fighting for their rights in the wrong way creating more divide than the intended harmony. We the people, the moderate majorities of each group have to make full blown effort for the common man to understand that these groups do not represent the beautiful religions they claim to represent.
A few days ago, I wrote the following and am glad to see someone was thinking along the same lines and wrote this article at Daily O.  What I see is the author has made people think and deliberate their actions.  
What I wrote:
The greatest task in front of Indians is to save the Democratic form of Governance where every Indian is respected and treated with dignity.  No one should have more privileges than the other, and everyone should expect and get justice, that is when we can sustain peace and harmony for everyone, yes every one.
In almost every conflict we’ve seen in India, the following revengeful references have been thrown: Babar ki Aulad, Aurangzeb, Somnath, Guru Gobind Singh and the likes. There are a lot of myths out there that need to be brought into open and demystify them.  We (all Indians who care for an India where every Indian feels secure) cannot change the hard core men and women, but strengthen the majority who sits on the fence and earn their support with facts. It is a long term effort to build a cohesive India where no Indian has to live in apprehension or fear of the other. Indeed, that was unstated goal of Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, Sikhism and all religions.
There is a thought worth exploring; the baseness (animal) in human beings always seeks a target to attack or hate to dump their inexplicable anger on someone, to seek false security by creating chaos and fear among the targets.   
Until the British directed the manufactured ire of Hindus towards Muslims as a part of divide and rule, their hate and denigrations was directed at the Dalits for several centuries, now it is against Dalits, Muslims and Christians. We need to find channels to direct their anger and bring a sense of security to them. Please remember it is not about Muslims and Hindus, it is about the radicalized among us. 
Should Muslims defend the bad deeds of the Kings in the past who happened to be Muslims? Should Hindus take their anger out on Muslims of independent India who have nothing to do with those kings?  
Part of the reconciliation includes summary from our historians to put a brief history of kings, all kings including Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Buddhist, Sikhs, Zoroastrian and others. Wasn’t their agenda to loot and rob the next door land? Plunder the wealth of the weak? Don’t we find good and bad kings among all traditions? Was it their lust for power that drove them insane rather than their religion?  What has religion got to do with their greed?
Total Shares
May we never hate each other.
The Katha Upanishad
The aim of this essay is to recover the true history and real meaning of key words, which have got muddled in the time of aggressive political and cultural propaganda.
How did Hindus become Hindu
It was the imperial British who demarcated on basis of religious beliefs – before that all major religious beliefs and practices, which originated in India, were termed together as Hindu – a word coined by the Persians to denote the land beyond the Sindhu or Indus river – after whom India has been named.
The name Indica has been used by the Greeks to name India since the time of Herodotus and Megasthenes. Two works with the same title Indica – by Megasthenes and Arrian – described the Indian subcontinent.
So the name of India got linked to the Indus River. The Persians followed the Greeks and named India after the river. But they followed the original Sanskrit name for Indus, and derived Hindu from Sindhu. In old Persian, “s” sounded like “h”.
So Hindu originally had a geographical connotation – from the Persian perspective – to denote “the land beyond the Sindhu”; the term wasn’t coined to denote any religious meaning. The suffix “stan” – indicative of a geographical place – was added to form “Hindustan”.
Sindhu in Sankrit also means river. India is that ancient river which is flowing since 5,500 years, or according to a recent archaeological discovery that happened in 2016, for 8,000 years.
That’s why the word “Hindu” doesn’t appear in the four Vedas, the Upanishads and the Buddhist scriptures. Even Adi Shankaracharya – who is known to have revived “Hinduism” in the 8th century after centuries of Buddhism – didn’t have the word “Hindu” in his consciousness or vocabulary. He introduced the esoteric “Advaita” philosophy for the learned, while he simultaneously revived the worship of gods and goddesses for the masses.
Adi Shankaracharya also established the famous four peethas at Sringeri (South), Joshimath (North), Puri (East) and Dwarka (West). But he never used the word “Hindu” in any of his works of philosophy, commentary and spiritual poetry.
But Buddhism didn’t completely vanish from India. The Buddhist Pala dynasty ruled Eastern India – including Vanga – from 750 CE to 1174 CE during which the proto-Bengali language was developed along with the early “Bengali” culture.
The word “Hindu” doesn’t appear in any ancient text of Sanatan Dharma – of all sub-religions and sub-cultures – before few Sanskrit texts started to use the word after 12th century.
The various traditions used their philosophical and spiritual practices such as Vaishnavs, Shakta, Mahayana, Vajrayana, Advaita etc – to identify themselves. But no one called themselves Hindus.
5000 Year old Culture
India is that ancient river which is flowing since 5,500 years, or according to a recent archaeological discovery that happened in 2016, for 8,000 years.
The Punjab region – Sapta Sindhava of the Vedas – has been called Hapta Hindu in Zend Avesta. A 6 BCE stone inscription of Persian King Darius I mentioned the land of Hi(n)dush – referred to North-Western India. The people of India were also referred as Hinduvan and Hindavi in the 8th century Persian text Chachnama. As pointed out earlier, the word “Hindu” is an ethnographic geographical word and didn’t denote any religion. Al-Biruni’s 11th century text Tarikh Al-Hind and also the texts of the Delhi Sultanate used the word “Hindu” to denote all non-Islamic people of India, and it remained ambiguous about whether Hindu denoted a region or a religion.
In the late 12th century, Prithviraj Raso by Chanda Bardai – that some scholars say was written later than 1192 – documented the defeat of Prithviraj Chauhan at the hands of Muhammad Ghori. That text is full of references to “Hindus” and “Turks”.
Here as well geographical meaning was used – it was a battle between “Hindus and Turks”; not Hindus and Muslims.
The Indian invaders didn’t come from Persia – the seat of Islamic high culture represented by modern day Iran – but they came from Central Asia and they were mostly Turks.
The main religion of ancient Persia was Zoroastrianism. That was transformed by the Arab Conquest of Persia in 651 CE that expanded the Islamic Caliphate.
King Darius I of the Zoroastrian Persia annexed parts of the Indus Valley in the north in 515 BCE, when the rest of ancient India was dominated by sixteen Mahajanapadas (great countries in Sanskrit) that included Magadha in the East – from where the Maurya and the Gupta Empires evolved and spread.
The Muslim Persian never tried to conquer India throughout its history. They never sent out an army towards Hind to annexe it with the Persian Empire and their scholars translated countless Sanskrit texts into Persian.
So what is being viewed as “Muslim invasions” in present India in context of our history wasn’t viewed as such in the medieval times of the invasions. The invaders were Central Asian Turkish warriors who were exceptionally skilled as horsemen. The first Mughal emperor Babur was a Central Asian Uzbeg. He was born in Andijan, Timurid Empire that is present day Uzbekistan.
Even the Lodhi Sultanate Dynasty that Babur dethroned in Delhi originated from Afghan Pastun dynasty that was ruling North India since 1451.
Muhammad of Ghazni, Muhammad Ghori and the Khilji dynasty – all originated from modern-day Afghanistan.
One has to keep in mind that the great empires of ancient India – such as the Mauryas and the Guptas – had extended beyond Afghanistan into Central Asia. Many of the Turks and Afghans who are now seen as “invaders into India” came from regions which were once part of the ancient empires of India.
*
The Persian “Hindu” slowly caught on among the people of India and they started to use that word to denote the difference between them and the Turks. Certain 16th-18th century Bengali Gaudiya Vaishnava texts started to use the word Hindu to contrast themselves with Yavanas (foreigners).
Chaitanya Charitamrita (16th century) and Bhakta Mala (17th century) – both in Bengali – used the phrase “Hindu dharma”.
There are countless more examples. But the essential truth is that the people of India started to think themselves to be “Hindus” slowly over several centuries, after 12th century. This happened because of the Central Asian invasions that slowly popularised the Persian word among the populace. And the Imperial British added “ism” to Hindu in the early 19th century in order to execute its divide and rule strategy.
All the three words: Hindus, Hindustan and Hinduism have no connection with ancient India, prior to 12th century. They began to get accepted gradually after 16th century by a larger populace.
The recent DNA genealogy studies – from multiple sources – suggest: India has been populated primarily by three waves of ancient migrations. The last two waves from Central Asia, Caucus region and southern Siberia – around 12,000-15,000 years and 4,500-3,500 years ago – have given birth to India of now, in terms of “Hindu” population.
Hindus are also the descendents of “invaders” into India; our world has been formed by migrations, and continues to be formed by migrations.
But the Hindutva ideology thinks India as a “pure land” for “pure Hindus”. The ideology staunchly identifies with the three crucial words – “Hindu” and “Hindustan” coined by the Persians and “Hinduism” coined by the British – which are at the heart of its nationalistic narrative and worldview.
The three words – Hindu, Hindustan and Hinduism – were coined and popularised by Muslims and Christians – whom the Hindutva ideology identifies as “invaders”.
The irony of this truth is astonishing.
All the diverse philosophical traditions and the sub-traditions which originated in India are part of Sanatan Dharma that translates to “Eternal Law” or “Eternal Way of Things” or “Eternal Order”. What are now called Hinduism, Buddhism or Jainism were the sub-cultures (with sub-sub-cultures) within the larger culture of Sanatan Dharma.
Sanatan Dharma has to be seen like a Great Wheel whose spokes are the diverse thoughts and belief systems which originated in India. Most of the major systems also imbibed aspects from the other systems of thoughts – ideas were mixed with other ideas to create more ideas. So the flow of Sanatan Dharma over time was like a braided stream.
Plurality and syncretism were the essential part of Sanatan Dharma; this is reflected in the diversity of modern India.
S Radhakrishnan’s Indian Philosophy and Surendranath Dasgupta’s A History of Indian Philosophy record the progression of all the major schools of thought which have shaped our history and culture. All the traditions and sub-traditions of all the religions under Sanatan Dharma stem from the major schools of Indian thought: the Vedas, the Upanishads, Buddhism, Jainism, Samkhyas, Advaita, Kashmir Shaivism and so on. They have got mingled with myths, legends, folklore, epic literature, passage of history and regional propensities to produce the diversity of religious and spiritual practices of India.
So where does Hindutva fit within this scheme of things? From where did the word come into our consciousness?
I have observed that books which have been written while the author is incarcerated tend to have a lasting impact in some sphere or the other.
In 1923, while being incarcerated in Ratnagiri, VD Savarkar wrote his manifesto Essentials of Hindutva. He coined the word Hindutva to frame his far-right political philosophy that uses nationalism and religious identity. Hindutva was ideated by Savarkar, not the spiritual sages of India. In the essay Hindutva: Who is a Hindu? Savarkar himself wrote, “Hindutva is not identical with what is vaguely indicated by the term Hinduism.” His aim was the political mobilisation of all those with “Hindu” identity to form a nation of militant nationalists.
By this time Savarkar was already a political person. In 1915, he had founded the right wing political party Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha.
VD Savarkar coined the word Hindutva to frame his far-right political philosophy.
Dr KB Hedgewar read Savarkar’s Essentials of Hindutva and was greatly inspired by the ideas. He severed his association with Indian National Congress and founded the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in 1925.
The Sangh Parivar started its journey when Hindu Mahasabha joined forces with RSS, and the Parivar adopted Savarkar’s Hindutva to frame their essential far-right ideology that was also influenced by MS Golwalkar – the second sarsanghchalak or the second supreme leader of the RSS.
Veer Savarkar
Golwalkar
So Hindutva took birth as a political ideology and has little connection with the esoteric philosophical and spiritual ideals of Hinduism/Sanatan Dharma. It has always linked itself with patriarchal conservatism and ritualistic religion which they framed as “Hindu culture” and “Indian culture” while neglecting the plural and secular traditions of the broader and more diverse Hinduism/Sanatan Dharma.
The RSS also campaigned for Manusmriti as the Indian Constitution. Its inherent ultra-orthodox worldview always opposed liberal and progressive principles. They still dream to alter the Indian Constitution and change the Indian Tricolour to saffron.
They also tend to think that the “Hindi-Hindustani” version of Hinduism is superior to the other kinds of Hinduism that are practised, especially in the South and Eastern India. They look down upon plurality as a sort of “religious and cultural” distortion.
India never had a single all-powerful Church-like organisation to define the practices of Hinduism/Sanatan Dharma. This allowed multiple orthodox and unorthodox traditions and sub-traditions to take birth and flourish in India.
Respecting the freedom of the human spirit to seek, interpret, develop and pursue religious and spiritual activities as per one’s own will and preference is an unsung hallmark of Indian civilisation. Plurality is not only the reality of modern of India, but it is also the essential “civilisational spirit” of our land.
*
In reality, when one looks behind the symbolisms, tokenisms and propaganda, one can assess that the ideals and principles of “Hindu Rashtra” resemble Hindutva Rashtra. More than “Hindu” interests, they represent Hindutva interest.
The far-right ideology was also influenced by MS Golwalkar – the second sarsanghchalak.
Looking at our times, I am not sure, whether the Hindutva leaders and supporters believe in any of the prime concepts of Hinduism/Sanatan Dharma: truth, non-violence and karma.
So one shouldn’t confuse Hindutva with Hinduism/Sanatan Dharma; Hindutva is not a religious idea, but a far-right political ideology, just as Zionism is the far right political ideology of Judaism.
The essential aim of any political ideology is to seek political power. The far right ideologies tend to exploit religion in a way that other moderate, liberal and progressive ideologies don’t.
By supporting or opposing Hindutva, one doesn’t necessarily support or oppose Hinduism.
By supporting or opposing the government, one doesn’t necessarily support or oppose India.
Democracy gives the power to the people to rightfully oppose those who are in power; when this power of the people is diluted, then democracy turns into anti-democratic authoritarianism.
The government is not the nation; neither Hindutva is Hinduism.
The “politically-motivated” practice to call those who oppose the BJP government or the Hindutva ideology as “anti-nationals” and “anti-Hindus” is absurd. It’s a manufactured polarisation and a psychological operation to divide people for the sake of political power.
The “non-Hindutva Hindus” in our country are not “lesser Hindus” as the far-right would want their supporters to believe. The “non-Hindutva Hindus” are being derided as “sickulars”, “libtards”, “leftists” and so on.
The Hindutva brigade is aggressively fighting the fellow citizens of one’s own country and all the fellow Hindus who don’t ascribe to its ideology. They have made “enemies” out of people, who simply don’t agree with them.
Hinduism/Sanatan Dharma is so vast and diverse, that no single definition of Hinduism can exist or be imposed upon India. That’s why the Supreme Court of India defined Hinduism as a “way of life”.
The socio-cultural engineering mission of the Hindi-Hindustan-Hindutva brigade to “convert” all the Hindus of India with their practices, worldview and angst-ridden ideals, is doomed to flounder.
India is syncretic, multi-lingual, multi-cultural and diverse. When a single political party, religious organisation or a linguistic cultural group self-select themselves as the sole custodian of Hinduism, and wish to impose their ways on the rest, then they not only cause regional anxieties and stressful fissures in the wider social fabric, but they also violate the traditional “civilisational spirit” of our land.
Theocracy-infused nationalism or ‘theo-nationalism’ that supplants humanism cannot also define patriotism in the 21st century when our collective progress is deeply inter-connected with the world.
One also doesn’t need to hate targeted groups of fellow citizens to display love for one’s nation. Social, cultural and communal tensions in the time of a severe economic downturn will only peg back India.
Those who are misunderstanding Hindutva as Hinduism and Hindutva nationalism as Indian nationalism should examine the nature of the ideals, values and actions which they are unwittingly supporting, and contrast them with the essential spiritual and philosophical principles of Hinduism/Sanatan Dharma.
# # # #

Modi-ji, Thank You For Ending My Has-Been Status

Modi-ji, Thank You For Ending My Has-Been Status
Published: December 15, 2017 14:50 IST



BJP spokespersons have been asserting on TV screens and public platforms that I should have taken the government's permission before hosting an old Pakistani friend of mine to dinner. Why should I seek anyone's permission to host a dinner party - even if that friend is a Pakistani? Why cannot I invite friends and colleagues to talk about Pakistan with a distinguished Pakistani? Why must I toe Modi's line on Pakistan? What gives the government a monopoly of national opinion on our neighbour? Does anyone who does not believe that the Prime Minister is the nation's sole fount of wisdom become liable to the charge of treachery? Do I not have a right to privacy? Do my guests not have such a right?

The BJP responds that this was not just some dinner party, it amounted to sleeping with the enemy. Indeed, the Prime Minister has darkly hinted that I was hiring a contract killer ("supari") to get him. Invoking a fake Facebook post, he slyly let slip that the dinner was a "secret" conclave to hatch a "conspiracy" with the Pakistanis to make - horror of horrors - a Gujarati Muslim the Chief Minister of Gujarat. Utter rubbish, total balderdash, but a nasty move to establish a salience between Pakistan and Indian Muslims to polarize a crucial election.

Well, I don't consider Muslims or Pakistanis my enemies, especially a Pakistani Muslim like Khurshid Kasuri who I have known since we were twenty-year-old undergraduates at the same Cambridge college some 56 years ago. It was a friendship that was renewed when the founder-President of the BJP, and then Janata Party Foreign Minister of India, Atal Behari Vajpayee, chose me, out of scores of other IFS officers of about my seniority, to be the first-ever Consul-General of India in Karachi (1978-82).

Did he choose me to go to Karachi to spew at the Pakistanis? Atal Behari-ji, as a man truly worthy of the post of Prime Minister, would invariably take his seat in the House whenever I rose to speak on Pakistan. For unlike the present incumbent, he was not paranoid about Pakistan. A true democrat, he was interested in understanding other perspectives on that country.

I flew to Islamabad in December 1978 from the home of our Ambassador in Abu Dhabi, M Hamid Ansari, a brilliant diplomat and an engaging companion with whom I had served a little earlier in Brussels. He was among my closest friends in the Foreign Service and I appointed him chairman of the Oil Diplomacy Committee when I was Petroleum Minister. Destiny had kissed him on the brow to rise for ten long years (2007-2017) to the second-highest constitutional position in our land: Vice-President and Chairman of the Rajya Sabha. Invaluable in his penetrating insights into the Pak psyche, he has guided me over the years through the maze of Pakistan's domestic politics. He introduced me to his wife's relatives in Karachi. (Among those I took to their home was a highly distinguished young journalist, in the forefront then of the crusade for a secular India; he is now a minister in Modi's government. O tempora! O mores!) Hamid Ansari was second only to Doctor-sahib among the distinguished guests at my dinner.


The morning after I reached Islamabad to be briefed by my Ambassador before taking up my new assignment, I heard the Ambassador speaking on the phone to Khurshid Kasuri. I slipped him a note on which I had scribbled that Khurshid was an old friend of mine. He passed on the phone to me, and I could hear the joy in Khurshid's voice as he welcomed me to Pakistan, insisting that I proceed to Karachi only after first visiting Lahore. That was a tempting invitation as I was born in Lahore. I agreed, subject to Khurshid driving me straight from the airport to my old home at 44, Lakshmi Mansions, located in the triangle formed by Beedon Road, Hall Road and The Mall. Khurshid promptly agreed and my Ambassador indulgently let me take that slightly circuitous route to my new posting.

That Ambassador, Katyayani Shankar Bajpai, was no soft-heart like me. He has always had a hard, tough understanding of Pakistan, untouched by any of the starry-eyed romanticism that tinges my view of that country. He was at the time in almost daily touch with Barrister Khurshid Kasuri, monitoring developments in the then ongoing Lahore High Court trial of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. That is how trustworthy the Ambassador had found Khurshid. Now nearly 90 years old, Ambassador K Shankar Bajpai was another of my valued guests.

On my landing in Lahore, Khurshid picked me up and drove me straight to the apartment where my family had lived till Partition, now taken over by a medical doctor who had been a student in London while Khurshid and I were cutting our academic teeth in Cambridge. I have since been several times to Lakshmi Mansions (does Modi know it is still called that even seven decades after Partition?), taking my wife and children with me so often that the old chowkidar lets me in even when Dr Malik is not at home. Most touching of all was when I visited Pakistan as India's Petroleum Minister to initiate talks on the Iran-Pakistan-India gas pipeline. The Residents Welfare Association of Lakshmi Mansions (including writer Sa'adat Hassan Manto's family) organized a welcome reception for me and Dr Malik asked me to send him a blow-up of my parents' photograph so that he could, in respectful tribute to their memory, hang it on the walls of their first marital home. Is this the enemy?

In 2003, Musharraf appointed Khurshid Kasuri as his Foreign Minister. Kasuri immediately embarked on the most determined exercise in India-Pak history to resolve the Kashmir issue to the mutual satisfaction of the two countries and the people of Kashmir divided by the Line of Control.

The parameters for that bold initiative were set by President Musharraf and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh (the most distinguished of the invitees to my dinner party). Between them, they agreed that there would be no exchange of territory or people but an attempt to "render the LoC irrelevant" to the ordinary lives of ordinary Kashmiris on either side of the Line.

The task of negotiating the deal was entrusted on the back-channel to a Pakistani civil servant, Tariq Aziz, and Ambassador Sati Lambah of India (yes, Sati too was my guest at the Kasuri dinner). Sati was not only my Islamabad counterpart though all the three years I served in Karachi, he went on to head the Pakistan division at headquarters, returned to Islamabad both as Deputy High Commissioner and High Commissioner, and climaxed his high-flying life in diplomacy as the longest-ever serving PM's Special Envoy: nine uninterrupted years as Doctor sahib's most trusted aide on Pakistan. No one knows Pakistan better or longer than Sati Lambah.

The kick-off point for the Musharraf-Manmohan dialogue was Atal Behari Vajpayee's January 2004 visit to Islamabad, accompanied by his Foreign Minister, Yashwant Sinha (who had also accepted my invitation but could not attend because he was detained by the Maharashtra police in Akola).

On the Pakistan side, it was Kasuri who supervised and guided the back-channel conversations that brought more progress than ever before on the vexed question of Kashmir. It would have been concluded, but for Musharraf's domestic fracas with the judiciary that presaged the end of his regime. Whenever the dialogue is resumed, the four-point formula will surely constitute the point of departure.

On the Indian side, Dr Manmohan Singh's Foreign Minister at the commencement of the back-channel talks was Natwar Singh. So I invited him too, bearing particularly in mind that not only had he been my boss in Islamabad for most of my term in Pakistan, but also because of his immortal comment to the Pakistan press on the ghastly Moradabad riots sparked just outside the Eidgah on the holy day of Eid, 1981: "I feel humiliated as an Indian and diminished as a human being.


As former Foreign Minister, Salman Khurshid had gone with Atal-ji to Geneva in the mid-90s to give a fitting reply to Pakistan's canards in the Human Rights sub-commission, I invited him too. Alas, he mixed up the dates and turned up only the next day. But the other Salman - Salman Haider - former Foreign Secretary and architect of the 1997 "Composite Dialogue" between India and Pakistan that has persisted over 20 turbulent years (its name but not its essence changed by the BJP, as is their wont) came, listened, spoke and heartily ate.

Present too were former High Commissioners Sharat Sabharwal and TCA Raghavan. Raghavan's masterpiece, The People Next Door, published a few months ago, has quickly become the defining narrative of what Raghavan calls in his subtitle The Curious History of our relations with Pakistan. He describes, with a wealth of documented detail, that "curious history" as moving cyclically between proving the doves right before moving on remorselessly to prove the hawks right.

We also had two former Heads of the Pakistan Division: Chinmaya Gharekhan who headed the Division when I was in Karachi, and then went on to become principal foreign policy adviser in the PMO to two Prime Ministers, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi, before winding up his career in the IFS as the longest-ever serving Permanent Representative of India to the UN. He was later Dr Manmohan Singh's special envoy for West Asia. He is a frequent contributor on foreign policy to several journals, including The Indian Express and The Hindu. There is absolutely nothing clandestine about him. He bluntly told Kasuri that so long as Pakistan insisted on filching back Kashmir from us, there was nothing to talk about to Pakistan. Gharekhan, a conspirator? Gharekhan, a subversive? Modi-ji, why not check with him? Know what? Notwithstanding his name, Gharekhan is not a Muslim, his surname is a title bestowed centuries ago on his family. Indeed, he is a fellow-Gujarati! Khem chhe?

The other Head of Division present was MK Bhadrakumar, former Deputy High Commissioner to Pakistan. No one in India, absolutely no one, is engaged as deeply as he is with Central Asia, West Asia and our neighbourhood in which he quite rightly includes China, and views all foreign policy in the perspective of great power geopolitics and geo-strategies. After retirement, he has emerged as the most prolific writer on foreign policy in Indian journalism. Modi's spooks can track him every day before dawn. Far from stooping to low conspiracy, Bhadrakumar's published view is that the talk at the Kasuri dinner amounted to little more than "airy nothings".

We had two professional journalists of long standing: Prem Shankar Jha, former editor of The Hindustan Times and Rahul Khushwant Singh, former editor of The Khaleej Times, Dubai, and former resident editor of The Indian Express, Chandigarh - blameless except for being stained by association with me since our school days! Besides, we were graced by the participation of an outstanding defence analyst, Col Ajai Shukla (retd), a soldier and an intellectual who understands defence matters better than anyone else in the public realm, a jewel in the diadem of Business Standard. They too are being slyly accused of "conspiring" to unseat the BJP. Shocking. Reprehensible.

I rounded off my list of invitees with none other and none less than the former army chief, General Deepak Kapoor. I wanted him in so that Kasuri would not get away without first hearing an authoritative armed forces voice. This is the highly-distinguished, highly-decorated officer, who risked his life all through his life in the service of the nation, whose integrity, patriotism, and sacrifice has been impugned by a Prime Minister - none less and none other - as having attended a "secret" conclave in my home to take out a "supari" on Narendra-bhai Modi. Even my acerbic tongue cannot find the right word to condemn this outrage.

And, oh yes, of course, there was the newly-appointed Pakistan High Commissioner, learning the ropes, more silent than the Silent Valley, deferring to his former boss, Khurshid Kasuri.

We had nothing to hide. We were just close friends and top experts who had spent a virtual life time professionally involved in and analyzing India-Pakistan relations. We had come together to brief Khurshid on Indian perspectives on Pakistan because Kasuri is arguably the best friend India has in influential political circles in that country. We also wanted to hear him, as an articulate well-informed and India-friendly interlocutor. He has, of course, been out of office for the best part of a decade and is unlikely to make it again. So, the discussion was informal and certainly not "official". All of us, without exception, were "has-beens".

There was absolutely nothing "secret" or "secretive" about the get-together. Indeed, the place was crawling with Modi's intelligence agents whispering into their lapel mikes. Khurshid Kasuri is closely related to the Rampur family. The dates of the wedding in their family had been determined without reference to the election in Gujarat. My invitations had gone out a month earlier and reminders had been issued both by email and mobile phones. Doubtless, both were tapped.

We talked and dined convivially for about three hours, my wife proving to our Pakistani guests that Indian nihari and biryani are quite as good as in Pakistan! Some BJP spokesman misunderstood and claimed we had sat and conspired till 3 am. There was no conspiracy. There was no mention of Gujarat. We were just talking Pakistan with a Pakistani guest and friend.

It is shameful that baseless allegations have been flung from public platforms by no less a personage than the present Prime Minister, with the Election Commission taking no suo moto notice of these repeated transgressions of electoral ethics, political morality and very possibly the Model Code of Conduct. Such distinguished citizens of our nation as a former Prime Minister, a former Vice President and a former Chief of Army Staff, besides a former Foreign Minister and a former Foreign Secretary, plus a raft of some of the best diplomats the Indian Foreign Service has produced since Independence, not to mention three of our best known political and national security commentators, have been, in effect, accused by high authority of subversion, sabotage and sedition. How, in a democracy, can the right of any citizen to express views contrary to those of the government be questioned as Modi and his cohort are doing? Are we not drifting towards becoming a police state?

I know Modi hates me. But my party so distrusts me that I was perhaps the only Congressman of 25 years standing who was not sent to Gujarat for the campaign. Yet, Modi's invective was reserved for me as if the Battle for Gujarat was between him and me. Towards the end of my Rajya Sabha term, I asked him a question on the floor of the House. He brushed off my enquiry, adding, quite gratuitously, that I would soon be joining the ranks of the "bhule-bisre" - the forgotten and the destitute. That indeed would have been my fate - except for Narendra-bhai Modi. He has given me more publicity than I could have garnered for myself in three lives. Thank you, Prime Minister.

(Mani Shankar Aiyar is former Congress MP, Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha.)

Disclaimer: The opinions expressed within this article are the personal opinions of the author. The facts and opinions appearing in the article do not reflect the views of NDTV and NDTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.