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Sunday, April 1, 2012

Rising Risk: Foreign Firms Sense Hostility in India

Tax and Policy proposals has increased the perception that business environment is hostile. Indeed, the new Chair of Greater Dallas Indian Chamber of Commerce Mr. Sunil Maini, who resides in Plano, Texas, can make a difference to this situation in India.

Plano is a city which pioneered giving tax breaks to companies, as it did with JC Penney and EDS in 1986-87, that uplifted the whole economy of Plano, Texas. Contrast that with Garland, Texas where the elders did not want to give tax breaks to JC Penny, Dallas residents did not want to give tax incentives to the football stadium, that went to Arlington, Garland resisted the town east mall, Mesquite got it. For the last 15 years, the Citizens of Dallas have not passsed the bond to complete the project River Walk, the likes of San Antonio, that will burst our economy... It is all lack of leadership world wide.

I am considering consulting with the business leaders to start on campaigns to bring about a positive change for growth. Way back when the Diboll project was in doldrums in Maharashtra, Enron had contacted me to do their PR to turn the hostility into a conducive environment... I actually talke to the guy who is in Federal Penitentiary for all the robbing he did. Thank God, I was not a part of that.

Mike Ghouse
Select India Articles about India at
http://mikeghouseforindia.blogspot.com

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How much of this is exaggerated, needs to be verified

Rising Risk: Foreign Firms Sense Hostility in India
Amol Sharam, Megha Bahree and Paul Beckett

NEW DELHI—If businesses like certainty, then India has been a big turnoff for foreign companies.
A series of recent developments have greatly increased the perception that the country has a risky business environment where policies suddenly can turn hostile.
Bloomberg News
A Bharti Walmart shopper in India, where Wal-Mart can't operate alone.
Tax proposals in the national budget unveiled in March stunned foreign firms. They could create significant retroactive tax liabilities for international mergers stretching back a half-century and eliminate a tax exemption many investors now have, wreaking havoc on corporate deal making, legal experts say. More than a half-billion dollars in foreign capital has left the Indian stock market in recent days.
The government also singled out a U.K.-based oil producer for a multibillion-dollar levy that the company calls discriminatory. Internet executives fromGoogle Inc. GOOG -0.32% and Facebook Inc. are facing criminal prosecution for not removing Web content that some consider objectionable even though the companies have said they followed the letter of the law. And long-promised efforts to liberalize foreign investment in the retail, defense and insurance sectors have stalled.
Foreign companies long have braved the risks of corruption and a stifling bureaucracy in the hopes of capitalizing on the fast-growing emerging Indian market. And New Delhi has done its part to court foreigners at international events like the World Economic Forum's annual conference in Davos, Switzerland. But the tax proposals, which are set for an April vote in Parliament and designed to reduce a yawning budget deficit, have helped heighten anxiety about doing business here.
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"In the scramble to generate tax dollars, the government will go after soft targets," said Saurabh Mukherjea, head of equities at Ambit Capital, a Mumbai-based boutique investment bank. "Foreigners, whether they be companies or investors, are obvious soft targets since they don't have an impact on the government's electoral fortunes."
One of the budget proposals would allow authorities to tax transactions dating to 1962 in which an Indian asset has been transferred between two foreign entities. That essentially would override an Indian Supreme Court ruling in January that U.K. mobile-phone companyVodafone Group VOD -0.82% PLC isn't liable for over $2 billion in taxes on the 2007 deal it struck to enter India.
Foreign investors have viewed India's court system, while clunky, as relatively reliable and independent. But the government's proposal to negate the ruling has left the impression that court decisions no longer are final.
Another provision in the budget would increase taxes on oil production by 80%. The only private company affected would be India's largest oil producer, Cairn India Ltd., whose major stakeholders are Vedanta Resources VED.LN +1.98% PLC and Cairn Energy CNE.LN -0.40% PLC, both of the U.K. Cairn India has said the tax increase would cost the company $2.5 billion through 2020 and could discourage its plans to invest $6 billion in India.
"The government has been desperately trying to attract investment in the oil-and-gas sector and it hasn't worked," Cairn India Chief Executive Rahul Dhir said in an interview. "This will just create further disincentives to invest."
Associated Press
Traffic moves past a Levi's showroom in Mumbai. Indian tax proposals have rattled some foreign businesses.
The government has said it needs to increase revenue to offset its higher energy costs. The Petroleum Ministry didn't respond to a request for comment for this article.
U.K. Chancellor of the Exchequer George Osborne will be in New Delhi Monday for an annual meeting with Indian Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee and is expected to discuss the need for predictability in India's business environment.
In a speech here Monday to an Indian trade group, U.S. Commerce Secretary John Bryson spoke glowingly of burgeoning U.S.-India trade ties. But he also ticked off a list of U.S. concerns about tariffs on items such as grapes and citrus fruits and about Indian restrictions on imports of foreign-made solar-power equipment.
"This makes it harder to invest in India," Mr. Bryson said. "Our progress together could slow down."
U.S. officials in recent meetings with their Indian counterparts also have raised concerns about the retrospective tax proposal.
The Indian Finance Ministry didn't respond to requests for comment for this article, though the government has said it is committed to fostering a hospitable environment for investors.
The Indian economy is expected to have grown 6.9% in the fiscal year that ends Friday. That is strong by global standards but not strong enough for India to raise living standards for its hundreds of millions people in poverty, economists say.
Foreign direct investment in India was $27.6 billion last year, rebounding to around its 2009 level after a barrage of corruption scandals caused a slump. And the moves to boost government revenue through taxes on foreign companies are intended to help close a budget deficit that is 5.9% of gross domestic product, analysts say.
But foreign investors have complained about another budget proposal set to take effect April 1 that will let tax authorities crack down on "tax avoidance." It puts the onus on companies, many of them foreign, to show that they didn't structure corporate deals to avoid taxes.
Investors have expressed concern that the new policy would override India's tax treaty with Mauritius, which exempts companies operating there from capital-gains tax in India. Foreign funds, including many U.S. asset managers, that have invested in Indian stocks and bonds through Mauritius subsidiaries now could face unexpected taxes when they sell shares, some analysts say. The move also could affect participatory notes, derivatives that foreign funds use to invest in India.
India's stock market has seen a net outflow of $692.46 million in foreign capital in the past three days as investors anticipate the tax-avoidance rule going into effect.
Bobby Parikh, of consulting firm BMR Advisors, said the new policy will change foreign funds' calculations about the potential profits from investing in India and it "may cease to be an attractive market."
Mr. Mukherjee, the finance minister, has said that the new tax rules are intended "to counter aggressive tax avoidance schemes" and that the goal isn't to target portfolio investments.
Meanwhile, efforts to attract more foreign direct investment have been stalled by a lack of political consensus. The government of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh backtracked last year on plans to allow investments by big-box, multibrand foreign retailers such asWal-Mart Stores Inc., WMT +0.60% after critics said the move would crush mom-and-pop shopkeepers.
Agence France-Presse/Getty Images
Indian Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee said he hopes 'to counter aggressive tax-avoidance schemes.'
India in January opened the door for single-brand retailers such as IKEA Systems BV to control 100% of Indian ventures. But some companies said restrictions were onerous. The new policy requires retail foreign investors to obtain 30% of their products from Indian small businesses, and few foreign companies have shown interest in the new opportunity. IKEA said it is evaluating the guidelines and whether it wants to set up stores in India.
Armando Branchini, executive director of Fondazione Altagamma, which promotes high-end Italian companies including Bottega Veneta, Ferrari and Versace overseas, said the new policy "is a joke" in its current form.
He said Indian consumers aren't going to buy Indian-made luxury items like Rolexes or Ferraris if consumers assume there will be a quality difference with foreign-made products. India is trying "to decide and shape what has to be the business model of a company," he said. "It's a totally arbitrary approach and not understandable."
—Khushita Vasant and Tom Wright contributed to this article.Mike
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MikeGhouse is committed to building a Cohesive America and offers pluralistic solutions on issues of the day. He is a professional speaker, thinker and a writer on pluralism, politics, civic affairs, Islam, India, Israel, peace and justice. Mike is a frequent guest on Sean Hannity show on Fox TV, and a commentator on national radio networks, he writes weekly at Dallas Morning News and regularly at Huffington post, The Smirking Chimp and several other periodicals. His daily blog is www.TheGhousediary.com

Ramnvami - Lord Rama's birthday celebrations


It is a Hindu festival, celebrating the birth of Lord Rama to King Dasharatha and Queen Kausalya of Ayodhya. Ram is the 7th incarnation of the Dashavatara of Vishnu.SreeRama Navami festival falls on the ninth day of the month of Chaitra in the Hindu calendar. and marks the end of the nine-day Chaitra-Navratri celebrations. I will be happy to do a presentation on the event. I enjoy listening to the stories about Rama, an exemplary person to model life after.

I grew up in a town where the epic ramayana was played out on the stage every nignt for 9 nights across my home.. and I watched and enjoyed it.

Happy Baisakhi


BAISAKHI marks the beginning of the new season. People of North India, particularly Punjab thank God for good harvest. It has special significance for Sikhs as on this day in 1699, their tenth Guru Gobind Singh Ji organized the order of the Khalsa

Happy Ugadi


UGADI - is the New Year's Day for the people of South India, it is also a celebration of Bengali New year

Mahavir Jayanthi - Birthday Celebrations of Mahavira

Mahavir Jayanti is the most important festival in Jainism, celebrating birth of Mahavira, the last Tirthankara ( Avatar) who established the religion of Jainism 2600 years ago.

Mahavira presented the concept of "anekantvad" meaning, respecting different points of view on a gien subject, indeed, the definition of Pluralism at the Foundation for pluralism is influenced by that concept. If we can learn to respect the otherness of others and accept the God given uniqueness of each one of us, then conflicts fade and solutions emerge.

Wiki, “ Jainism is an Indian religion that prescribes a path of non-violence towards all living beings. Its philosophy and practice emphasize the necessity of self-effort to move the soul towards divine consciousness and liberation. Any soul that has conquered its own inner enemies and achieved the state of supreme being is called a jina ("conqueror" or "victor"). The ultimate status of these perfect souls is called siddha. Ancient texts also refer to Jainism as shramana dharma (self-reliant) or the "path of the niganthas" (those without attachments or aversions).”

Religion formula

The Religious formula that is yet to be proven, but in the works and is subject to empirical data:

95% of people in every religious group get their religion right
02% of people in every religious group are enforcers
02% of people in every religious group are easy goers
01% of people in every religious group are intolerant ones

Whether you are a Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Jew, Buddhist, Atheist or other... the formula works... Most people do what their religion teaches them to - to be a good human being.

95% of people in any group, religious, race, ethnicity, nationalistic or otherwise, tends to be moderate and wants to get along with every one... and mind their own business.

It is the 1% intolerant and 2% enforcers that make it difficult for every one... and oddly, this group knows the other group that is similar to them in the opposite camp - they both recognize each other and hate the other with passion. No group is free from the three percenters.

Deep down all of us are good people... we have to find that and stoke it in others, others are our mirrors, we see us in them, and we hate them or love them.

I was an atheist for nearly 30 years of my life - Islam is about pluralism to me, what the 1% Muslims represent does not make Islam for me... what the 97% represent is Islam for me. I see the beauty, inclusiveness, and pluralism in Islam - just as my fellow 97%ers see it. Let me be clear – no, my religion is not superior to others, that would be sheer arrogance, all religions do what they are suppose to do; make you a better person and a responsible citizen, if you are not, then study your religion again and again till you get it.


Mike
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(214) 325-1916 |
MikeGhouse is committed to building a Cohesive America and offers pluralistic solutions on issues of the day. He is a professional speaker, thinker and a writer on pluralism, politics, civic affairs, Islam, India, Israel, peace and justice. Mike is a frequent guest on Sean Hannity show on Fox TV, and a commentator on national radio networks, he writes weekly at Dallas Morning News and regularly at Huffington post, The Smirking Chimp and several other periodicals. His daily blog is www.TheGhousediary.com

Industry in India Helps Open a Door in Pakistan

Responsible capitalism can change the world, the emphasis is on Resonsible. Rajiv Kumar is doing just that.

However, we have to reintroduce pluralism to prevent the right wing Pakistani hate for India, and the right wing Hindus hate for foreign companies in India. Vandalizing the foreign companies goes against our own growth and prosperity. It is the 1% every where that is intolerant, we cannot push them to the corner, they will dig in their heels. Instead we have to launch a long term program to open up their hearts and minds towards growth, the growth that lifts up every one.

Here is a possible opportunity for Indians, which will generate opportunities for the Pakistanis. Together, we can flourish. We have to lay the foundation to openness along business to make it sustainable.
Mike
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MikeGhouse is committed to building a Cohesive America and offers pluralistic solutions on issues of the day. He is a professional speaker, thinker and a writer on pluralism, politics, civic affairs, Islam, India, Israel, peace and justice. Mike is a frequent guest on Sean Hannity show on Fox TV, and a commentator on national radio networks, he writes weekly at Dallas Morning News and regularly at Huffington post, The Smirking Chimp and several other periodicals. His daily blog is www.TheGhousediary.com




March 31, 201

Industry in India Helps Open a Door to the World



LAHORE, Pakistan — On the day the Indian trade delegation came across the border, Pakistan was having another political crisis. The prime minister was embroiled in a showdown with the country’s Supreme Court. Early elections were rumored. And Islamists had just staged a rally in Karachi to protest “foreign intervention” on Pakistani soil.


Not, perhaps, the perfect moment to hammer out closer trade ties.


Yet Rajiv Kumar, a leader of the Indian delegation, was pleased. It was mid-February, and his business group was staging the first Indian trade show ever held in Pakistan. Tens of thousands of visitors would attend during three days. And Indian and Pakistani business leaders, as well as both countries’ commerce ministers, swapped cards, sipped tea and feasted at lavish banquets.
“Look at this!” Mr. Kumar exclaimed as his car rolled up to the convention center here in Lahore, where crowds were thronging for the trade show. “My God! Quite good, I’d say.”


One truism about the tortured relationship between India and Pakistan is that there is never a perfect moment. For six decades, through three wars and one nuclear standoff, diplomats have tried, and failed, to improve relations. Now, the private sector is giving it a shot. Trade has become the most promising opening in the latest round of diplomacy, as progress remains largely stalled on tough issues like terrorism, water rights and the status of Kashmir.


The foray into Pakistan is further proof of the increasingly important role of India’s private sector in foreign policy. India’s leaders, eager for a bigger footprint in global affairs, now aspire to a permanent seat on an expanded United Nations Security Council. But the Indian Foreign Service, though consisting of top-notch officers, is too understaffed to provide a comprehensive global presence.
To compensate, the government often relies on the private sector to serve as an intermediary abroad. India’s two leading business groups — C.I.I. (the Confederation of Indian Industry) and Ficci (the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry) — now have offices around the world and sponsor informal diplomatic dialogues between India and countries like Japan, China, Singapore and the United States.


As India’s growing economy demands more natural resources, its business leaders have led the country on an aggressive push into Africa and South America. Last year, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh toured Africa, pledging aid and good will in a high-level trip encouraged by an Indian private sector competing with China for resources on the African continent.


“These are places that are incredibly important to India, but the Indian state doesn’t have the resources to maintain a major presence,” said Ashley J. Tellis, a former American diplomat who served in India. “Business has really become the de facto substitute for Indian diplomatic engagement. And that works out nicely for India.”


India, a nation of 1.2 billion people, has about 800 diplomats serving in 162 missions and posts around the world. The United States, by comparison, has a diplomatic corps of more than 11,000. Even tiny Singapore surpasses India, with 847 foreign service officers.


In a background interview last year, a senior Indian official agreed that the country’s diplomatic corps was far too small to adequately represent India’s global interests. An expansion and hiring program is under way, but the process remains tediously slow; as a result, India’s Ministry of External Affairs is often forced to borrow bureaucrats from other ministries. Or, the senior official said, the ministry sometimes leans on the private sector.


“The presence of Indian corporations, both public and private, does help to expand our presence,” the official said. “Our footprint will also expand through the private sector.”


Cautious Optimism


Mr. Kumar last visited Lahore in November 2008, at a moment of cautious optimism. Trained as an economist, Mr. Kumar, who was then leading an Indian research group, met with members of a Pakistani research group to discuss their nations’ relationship amid speculation that Mr. Singh, the Indian prime minister, would soon make a historic visit to Pakistan.


Less than two weeks later, militants trained in Pakistan assaulted Mumbai in an audacious and vicious terrorist attack, killing at least 163 people and enraging the Indian public. Any chance of a diplomatic breakthrough was shattered as diplomats worked to avert a military confrontation.


By 2010, Mr. Kumar had joined Ficci, the Indian business group, with an agenda of expanding the group’s influence in India’s neighborhood and creating a fluid and interconnected South Asian market. He began traveling to Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal, where the prime minister and other top leaders received him.


“More and more, economics and commerce are seen as the primary drivers of international relations, which they were not in South Asia until very recently,” said Mr. Kumar, who is now Ficci’s secretary general.


To a large degree, Mr. Kumar has been playing catch-up. For more than a decade, the other major Indian business group, C.I.I., has operated as one of the most influential interlocutors of Indian foreign policy, helping to facilitate closer Indian ties with Japan, Singapore and, most important, the United States.


In 2001, C.I.I. partnered with the United States-based Aspen Institute to sponsor a meeting between Indian and American “thought” leaders in the Indian city of Udaipur. The United States and India, after decades of frosty relations, had suddenly warmed up to each other, especially after a visit to India by Bill Clinton. But neither side knew how to move forward.


The Udaipur meeting brought together Henry A. Kissinger, the former national security adviser Brent Scowcroft, the Harvard scholar Joseph S. Nye Jr. and others on the American side to meet with an Indian delegation that included the industrialist Ratan N. Tata and the influential diplomat Naresh Chandra.


“We started talking about defense, about energy,” recalled Tarun Das, the former head of the C.I.I. “We started talking about H.I.V./AIDS. The dialogue went into: ‘What else can we do? How can we build trust between the two countries?’ There was only mistrust after 50 years.”


Since then, the C.I.I. has sponsored 14 more exchanges in a United States-India relationship that, if still fractious at times, is fundamentally changed. The two countries are now strategic partners, with growing cooperation on defense issues where one had not existed before. Today, India buys American military hardware and participates in joint exercises with the United States.


The most dramatic concept borne of that initial meeting between the two countries involved cooperation on nuclear energy, in what eventually became the landmark United States-India Civil Nuclear Agreement. The deal was criticized in both countries, but it was eventually approved, if still not fully carried out.


In 2008, when the United States Congress threatened to vote down the measure, India’s government got lobbying support from its most potent ally: the Indian private sector, which included Indian-Americans who had prospered in business, science and technology in the United States and had developed one of the most influential lobbies in Washington.


Ashok Malik, a journalist who was one of the writers of an academic analysis of India’s private sector diplomacy, said the influence of Indian business is evident beyond the changed relationship with the United States. In 2005, President Hugo Chávez of Venezuela was greeted with a big reception in New Delhi at a time when Indian leftists were part of the coalition government. Two years later, with the leftists no longer in the coalition, India’s president skipped Venezuela on a tour of South America, instead stopping in Chile and Argentina, where Indian corporations had business interests.


Mr. Malik said Indian diplomats were now trained to consider business development as a primary part of their job. “Before, commerce was beneath public policy,” he said. “Now they are talking individual deals.”


Business has also become a primary conduit for increasing India’s footprint in East Asia, China’s backyard. Singapore, Japan, Taiwan and Australia have each increased business ties, partly as a strategy to draw closer diplomatically to India and possibly nurture a counterbalance to China. At the same time, the C.I.I. is quietly sponsoring yet another dialogue, this time with China itself.
“We are slowly trying to see if there can be some building of trust with China,” Mr. Das said in an interview last year. “It is much more difficult than with the Americans.”


At the convention center in Lahore in February, Pakistani soldiers were posted everywhere, assault rifles in full view as they awaited the arrival of Indian delegation. Mr. Kumar had come two days early, to open the trade booths, but now the Indian commerce minister, Anand Sharma, was arriving with his Pakistani counterpart, as well as the Indian trade delegation. Security was a concern.
A careful reconciliation between India and Pakistan has been under way since July 2011, eight months after the Mumbai attacks, with efforts being made on both sides of the border. Mr. Sharma’s visit was a significant gesture: he was the first Indian commerce minister ever to make an official visit to Pakistan, though few people expected any breakthroughs.


“I see it as a symbolic act, a vaccination against the right-wing groups who will oppose India,” Mr. Kumar said of the trade show and Mr. Sharma’s visit. “If this is successful, the next one can be bigger.”


Pakistan is easily India’s toughest foreign policy challenge, with hard-liners on both sides showing little desire to compromise, yet Mr. Kumar believes progress is possible because the middle class in both countries wants to ease hostilities and focus on economic growth.


Mr. Malik noted that the rise of India’s middle class, as well as the growing domestic influence of the private sector, has created a quiet constituency for easing hostilities with Pakistan. “The growth phenomenon has made the Indian middle class less tolerant of adventurism, lawlessness and war,” he said. “It is still worried about terrorism. But it doesn’t want to fight wars. It has other things to do.”


A Cold War Legacy


India’s political establishment is still grappling with redefining the country’s foreign policy, and its cold war legacy of nonalignment still holds a lingering and potent appeal. As the private sector (and Mr. Singh) have pushed India toward closer ties with historical rivals like the United States, and now Pakistan, a strong reaction has occurred in some quarters. Many leftists say the government is pushing India too close to the United States and kowtowing to corporate interests. Right-wing Hindu groups are suspicious of any interaction with Pakistan.


And others note that the corporate sector is protective of its own vested interests. Mr. Tellis, the former American diplomat, said India’s uncertain response to the Arab Spring was partly because the nation’s private sector — which has major business dealings in the Persian Gulf — was hesitant to embrace political change.


“They are simply afraid that if they end up supporting revolutionary movements, many of their economic interests that have been put in place, private sector interests, would be at risk,” Mr. Tellis said. “These interests feel very uncomfortable with change in the status quo in the gulf.”


In Pakistan, the slow progress being made on trade could be derailed by a new terrorist attack, a risk Mr. Kumar regards as unavoidable. Meanwhile, movement on issues like Kashmir and terrorism is almost nonexistent. Still, two weeks after the Indian trade trip, Pakistan announced a change in rules that could greatly expand the number of products imported from India — a business and diplomatic victory.



Nikhila Gill contributed research from New Delhi.